constructive anarchism

constructive anarchism – The debate on the Platform – (1927) by grigori petrovich maximov via 27 pg kindle version from anarchist library [https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/gregory-petrovich-maximoff-constructive-anarchism]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grigorii_Maksimov: Grigorii Petrovich Maksimov (Russian: Григо́рий Петро́вич Макси́мов; 1893–1950) was a Russian anarcho-syndicalist. From the first days of the Russian Revolution, he played a leading role in the country’s syndicalist movement – editing the newspaper Golos Truda and organising the formation of factory committees. Following the October Revolution, he came into conflict with the Bolsheviks, who he fiercely criticised for their authoritarian and centralist  tendencies. For his anti-Bolshevik activities, he was eventually arrested and imprisoned, before finally being deported from the country. In exile, he continued to lead the anarcho-syndicalist movement, spearheading the establishment of the International Workers’ Association (IWA), of which he was a member until his death.

notes/quotes:

9

2. Positive and Negative Aspects of Anarchism

It is not within the scope of this study to examine the development of Anarchist thought. My task is practical. After analysing the living and concrete Anarchist movement from the moment of its inception to the present day, I shall attempt to determine its shortcomings, errors and ambiguities in theory and tactics. And further, on the basis of historical experience, I shall propose for consideration methods which, in my view, could help our movement in the struggle towards the realisation of its program.

if only.. rather.. need a means sans any form of m\a\p

Thought precedes movement. Every act and every movement of the individual, unless it is either mechanical or instinctive, is the result of premeditation, of thought. Before he acts, man thinks about the act — no matter whether the period of thought is brief or long — and only after this labour of the mind does he take steps to transform thought into reality. The same process can be observed in the intricate organism of human society.

? i don’t know.. graeber unpredictability/surprise law.. i think that’s more what we observe in whales ness

10

The agenda is most interesting, and to this day the issues placed before the consideration of the Congress have not lost their concrete significance, not only for the modern labour movement in general, but for the Anarchist movement in particular, whose attitudes on these issues were responsible for the division of the International into divergent factions. This agenda consisted of the following items:

  1. Unification of the workingmen’s efforts in their struggle against Capitalism by the organisation of unions.
  2. The shortening of the working day.
  3. Female and child labour in industry.
  4. Labour unions, their past. present and future.
  5. Co-operatives.
  6. Direct and indirect taxation.
  7. Organisation of international credit.
  8. The need for the destruction of the reactionary influence of Russia in Europe by means of the establishment of a series of separate states based on self-determination. (The reconstruction of Poland on democratic foundations).
  9. The existence of standing armies.
  10. Religion and its influence on the social, political and intellectual evolution of nations.
  11. Mutual Aid societies.

oh my.. oh my.. not letting go enough.. spinning wheels on same song

13

The Congress of the Romance Federation at Chaux-Le-Fonds in 1870 passed a resolution which has remained valid to this day, at least for the Syndicalist fraction of Anarchist Communists, and which deserves to be quoted in full:

“Considering the fact that the full liberation of labour is possible only in conditions of the transformation of the existing political structure, which is sustained by privilege and power, into an economic society founded in equality and freedom, and that every government or political state represents only the organisation of bourgeois exploitation whose expression is juridical law, and that any participation of the working class in bourgeois governmental politics can result only in the strengthening of the existing structure which in turn would paralyse the revolutionary activities of the proletariat, the Congress of the Romance Federation recommends to every section of the International the repudiation of all activities seeking social reorganisation by means of political reforms. It suggests instead the concentration of all efforts on the creation of federated trade unions as the only weapon capable of assuring the success of the social revolution. Such a federation would be labour’s true representative, its parliament, but it would be independent and completely outside the influence of political government.”

An analysis of the labour program of the International and its practical application leads inevitably to one fundamental flaw which fatally affected the development of the Labour movement. This flaw was the discrepancy between theory and practice. 

matters little if not problem deep enough

15

The Congress did not deny such a possibility; it seemed actually to admit it, but, having no alternative, it could only recommend methods which might more or less counteract the possibility of results so undesirable from the viewpoint of true socialism. The Congress passed a resolution in which it stated that, to avoid the formation of a new exploiting hierarchy, it would be necessary for labour unions to be permeated with the ideals of mutual aid and solidarity and for the proletariat to be convinced that a social upheaval must lead to justice and not the creation of new privileges, even for their own class.

At a time when Anarchist thought was being moulded by living experience as a movement of the working masses, such doubts were normal and fully justified, and the decision of the Congress was perfectly natural. When Capitalism had not yet entirely matured and the labour organisations had only begun to function on a revolutionary basis, the members of the Congress could have come to no other decision than to attempt to raise the level of consciousness in the working masses. The need for this remains, today, as strong as ever. But it is no longer the only need.

need 1st/most: means to undo our hierarchical listening to self/others/nature as global detox/re\set.. so we can org around legit needs

Now Anarchist thought has become mature and it must, moreover, operate in conditions utterly different from the economic circumstances of those days. Today the question outlined above can arise only for the State Socialists, who strive to establish a class dictatorship in the form of a class State. For Anarchists, who aim at the destruction of the State and its replacement by the federations of productive associations, the question is ridiculous. It is ridiculous because Anarchism, organising society in this manner, involves the entire adult working population in the productive associations, independent of their former social positions, i.e. the classes are destroyed at once and hence there can be no question of class rule. However, a different problem could be raised now: would not the Communist organisation of society result in the suppression of the individual in a more severe form than under Capitalist individualism?

?

At the first Congress, for instance, the following items were discussed: co-operatives, organisation of international credit, mutual aid societies. At the second Congress: how the working classes could utilise, for the purpose of their liberation, the savings deposited in bourgeois and governmental financial institutions. At the third Congress — credit.

oi.. cancerous distractions

16

“The experience of the past twenty years,” Bakunin wrote, “a unique experience which reached its widest scope in England, Germany and France, has proved conclusively that the co-operative system, while undoubtedly containing the essence of the future economic structure, cannot, at the present time under present conditions, liberate or even improve to any considerable extent the living standards of the working people.” The latter part of Bakunin’s statement has been verified by experience, while the first is just beginning to be confirmed.

good that talking ‘under present conditions’.. hari rat park law et al

oi that talking ‘essence of future econ structure’.. oi.. need ie: oikos (the economy our souls crave).. ‘i should say: the house shelters day-dreaming, the house protects the dreamer, the house allows one to dream in peace.’ – gaston bachelard, the poetics of space

We should also remember the viewpoint of Bakunin, quoted above, that co-operatives contain the essence of the future economic structure. That is undoubtedly so and, in view of that fact alone, it is not advisable to repeat the errors of the past.

oi

17

The Congress considered the reduction of working hours a preliminary and essential condition. In one of his later articles, “Comprehensive Education,” Bakunin agreed fully with this resolution. This article, as well as various other papers on this subject, and particularly the works of Robin, laid the foundation for the theory of free labour education which is today accepted by all cultured people. And for that the International deserves much credit. A resolution of the second Congress excluded the State from the sphere of education and assured full freedom to education, and instruction. The interference of the State was to be permitted only when the father of the child could not provide the funds needed for its education.

oi.. supposed to’s of school/work et al..

At the Lausanne Congress it adopted a resolution which said that “since the absence of political freedom in a country presents an obstacle to the social enlightenment of the people and the liberation of the proletariat, the Congress declares: (1) that the social liberation of the workers is indivisible from their political liberation and (2) that the establishment of political freedom is the first, and unconditional necessity in each country.”

if only.. legit free and unconditional.. but we can’t seem to let go enough to see/be that

18

Now let us examine the statutes of the International. Its entire philosophy and all its fundamental principles, accepted as articles of faith by all convinced Socialists of the world to this day, are expressed in the Preamble to these Statutes. The declarations are indisputable and their formulation is concise, admirable and expressive. They are:

4\ The economic liberation of the workers is the great goal to which all political movements must be subordinated.

9\ They consider it their duty to demand the rights of man and citizen not only for themselves but for all who fulfil their obligations. There are no rights without obligations; there are no obligations without rights.

oi oi oi.. rights and obligation ness.. et al

20

bakunin in letter: “However, let us agree on one thing. To assure some unity of action, in my view essential even among the most responsible of men who strive for one and the same goal, certain conditions and certain specific rules, equally binding on all, are required. There must be agreements and understandings, frequently renewed. Otherwise, if everyone were to act only according to his own judgment, even the most earnest men could, and surely would, come to a point when, with the best of intentions, they would actually hinder and paralyze each other. The result would be disharmony instead of the harmony and calm to which we all aspire. We must know how, when and where to find each other, and to whom to turn so that 

oh my oh my ..

in undisturbed ecosystems ..the average individual, species, or population, left to its own devices, behaves in ways that serve and stabilize the whole..’ –Dana Meadows

Thus, on the issue of organisation, Bakunin and the Anarchists committed, and tolerated, an unforgivable mistake — a retreat from fundamental federalist principles. And the sad results were not slow in making their appearance. This experience proves that one must not sacrifice fundamental principles even in the interests of realising the best intentions.

gotta go deeper than that

24

3. The Constructive Period of Anarchism

It is, however, worth noting that Bakunin himself had been concerned with the problem of construction, in the belief that one must not destroy the Old without having at least a basic plan for the New. The principal factors in the process of construction, in Bakunin’s view, would be the International of industrial communes, supplemented by agricultural associations.

costello screen\service law et al

but.. ie: there’s a nother way

With the Russian Revolution of 1917, problems of construction began to dominate thought in Anarchist circles not only in Russia, but everywhere else in the world. The first among them to pursue the line of constructive Anarchism were the Anarcho-syndicalists. The pages of their publications (“Voice of Labour,” “Free Voice of Labour,” “World of Labour” and others) were filled with articles on this subject. They carried a bold campaign against the chaotic, formless, disorganised and indifferent attitude then rampant among the Anarchists — a standpoint which aroused a great deal of hostility towards them.

today have means to facil that seeming disorder.. ie: tech as nonjudgmental expo labeling.. imagine if we et al

25

Apart from these collective efforts to solve the problems of construction, individuals like Peter Kropotkin attempted to visualize the future society. During 1918, in “Bread and freedom.” Kropotkin described the character of a future city Commune, and, as a result of the experiences of the Russian Revolution, he raised a number of vital questions and theses new to Anarchists. His statement “We are not so rich as we thought” takes Anarchism into the field of a “complementary idea,” since the issue is no longer that “in destroying I shall create,” but “in creating I shall destroy.” Moreover, Kropotkin’s “Modern Anarchism,” was of equally great importance and provided a stimulus to thought in the direction of constructive planning.

but not free enough

pëtr kropotkin.. conquest of bread.. et al

The conferences and meetings of the International Workingmen’s Association concerned themselves particularly with organisational and structural problems. And at almost all the national conferences of the Anarcho-syndicalists, or Revolutionary Syndicalist organisations in Western Europe, these questions were continually on the agenda. For instance, at the Berne conference called on September 16, 1922, to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Congress at St. Imier, the following questions were debated:

  1. How to defeat and destroy the old order.
  2. How to prevent the downfall of the Revolution as a result of the creation of new authority.
  3. How to assure the continuance and reconstruction of economic life. Bertoni, Malatesta, Fabbri and many other comrades participated in this discussion.

need 1\ org around legit needs and 2\ infinitesimal structures approaching the limit of structureless\ness and/or vice versa .. aka: ginorm/small ness

to 1,2 &3 – gershenfeld something else law et al

26

Such, then, was the temper of the times. The very air was filled with ideas of an organisational and constructive nature. And the “Platform” issued by “A Group of Russian Anarchists Abroad” in 1927 was therefore not a cause, but a result of the agitated state of Anarchist minds. It is thus all the more surprising that this “Platform” should have been credited with all kinds of achievements for which it was not responsible

27

4. The General Situation

The “Platform” was thus one of many products in the Anarchist world of the process of intellectual fermentation after the first World War, and in particular after the Russian Revolution. It is, however, possible to state at once that the crystallization of this process into a “Platform” was of a rather formless kind. Both by its manner of stating the questions, and by its method of solving them, the “Platform” was incapable of providing a unifying leadership either for the Anarchist movement in general or for the Anarcho-communist groups in particular. Even if one were to admit that the Anarcho-communists could have become united on such a program, the unity would have been broken on the very first attempt to deal with the omissions in which the “Platform” abounds. For its constructive part is so primitive that it attacks only such problems as production, food supply, land and the protection of the Revolution, and it ignores the problems of transportation (particularly the free movement of people), statistics, living conditions, religion, education, family, marriage, sanitary and hygienic services, forestry, roads and highways, shipping, crime and punishment, labour and health insurance, and many others, including questions arising out of the general situation of a revolutionary country encircled by international capitalism.

The “Platform” suffered from yet another important failing: confusion. To take one instance, the authors, realising the impossibility of the simultaneous communisations of industry and agriculture, and the retardedness of the latter in comparison with the former, drew no conclusions from this realisation and made no attempt to determine the relationship which must, of necessity arise between socialised industry and private-capitalist land management. Yet a good many problems concerning trade, finance, banks, etc. would develop from this admitted co-existence.

28

This type of evaluation of all pre-“Platform” Anarchism is too narrow and ludicrous to be discussed at length. However painful it may be for the authors of the “Platform,” the Anarchist movement existed long before they had made their appearance.

deeper – been in sea world long before.. sense forever (never not ness)

29

5. Diagnosis and Treatment

30

Thus the conclusion is inevitable that, of all the causes advanced by the “Reply,” only one remains intact — the same as that suggested by the “Platform” — “obscurity in a number of our fundamental ideas.”

oi.. 1\ naming the colour ness adn 2\ no idea what fundamental ideas are

31

6. On the Weakness of the Movement

To maintain, after Bakunin and Kropotkin, that Anarchist ideas are obscure is, to say the least, naive. If the authors of the “Platform” and the “Reply” had chastised the vacillations of individual Anarchists or individual obscure Anarchist minds, one could have agreed with them. But it is impossible — by the expedient process of shifting the burden from sick on to healthy shoulders — to claim obscurity for fundamental Anarchist ideas.

What ideas does the “Reply” consider obscure?

Firstly there is the Conception of Social Revolution. Yet we need only turn to Bakunin to find in his writings a perfectly clear and definitive exposition of the meaning of Social Revolution, its manifestations and the road it must travel. Whoever has read his formulations, can no longer speak of obscurity in the Anarchist “conception of the Social Revolution.” Similarly, Bakunin provided us with a terse interpretation of the problem of violence, the forms it can take, its use and its limitations.

Even more conclusive is the existing evidence that there was no obscurity in the Anarchist conception of Dictatorship, as claimed by the “Reply.” In fact this issue was clarified particularly by the debates between Bakunin and Marx: and the reader might do well to take up the works of Bakunin, particularly his essays on “The State and Anarchy,” as well as “The Knouto-Germanic Empire and the Social Revolution.” Bakunin also wrote at great length on the question of “The Creativity of Masses and of Organisations.”

yeah see.. not fundamental/essential/deep enough

The only aspect of the problem that remained unclarified was how to proceed during the “Transition Period.” It is true that this question has not yet been settled in Anarchist thought, even though Bakunin himself had recognised its importance. But it is not part of the theoretical program of Anarchism. It is, rather, a technical, methodological question connected with the practical procedures to be utilised in the establishment of Anarchist Communism.

huge oh my.. and why not yet ness..

Thus, we are forced to conclude that the reasons for the weakness of the Anarchist movement and for its disorganised condition are neither the “obscurity in a number of our fundamental ideas” on which the “Reply” insists, nor the “incessant vacillations in the most important questions of theory and tactics,” nor the “distortions of an ideological nature” as the “Platform” maintains.

The weakness of the movement, in short, is not the result of the theoretical ambiguity of Anarchism as a socio-political and philosophical theory. The causes have to be sought on another level altogether; they have nothing in common with the fundamental concepts of Anarchism.

and.. according to this.. fundamental concepts of anarchism have nothing in common w legit freedom

Socialism, like Anarchism, passed through a phase of uncertainty, division and formlessness. That was during a period when its protagonists strove, as the authors of the “Platform” now do, for complete unity and uniformity in program and tactics. When such general uniformity proved impossible and even dangerous, there began a process of disintegration and a breakup of Socialism into different factions. Separate parties emerged, with divergent theories, tactics and activities. And that moment ushered in the evolution of Socialism as a real force in the practical realisation of its ideals.

oi to real force ness..

32

It is our deep conviction that Anarchism, too, must undergo a similar evolution. The uniformity for which both the “Platform” and the “Reply” strive, each in its own way, is not possible. The result would not be Anarchism, but Anachronism.

The process of the division of Anarchism into factions has been slow. Sufficient time has not yet elapsed for the various sections to crystallize into large and well-defined collective units. Such is the case with Anarcho-communism, which has already split into Anarcho-communism and Anarcho-syndicalism. We exclude discussion here of Anarcho-individualism, which is a typically bourgeois philosophy and is therefore beyond our purview.

oh my

in undisturbed ecosystems ..the average individual, species, or population, left to its own devices, behaves in ways that serve and stabilize the whole..’ –Dana Meadows et al

An example of logical unification is the International Workingmen’s Association — the Anarcho-syndicalist International which became possible after the formation in individual countries of homogenous national organisations based on the fundamental theoretical and tactical concepts of Anarchism. All organisations, on joining the International Working Men’s Association, accepted the program and the principles of the Anarcho-Syndicalist International, but at the same time its federalist concept gave each individual organisation the opportunity to develop its own program, in conformity with the situation in the country concerned. For the Anarchist movement to live and grow this must remain the guiding principle of organisation.

oh my.. so in other words.. for same song to carry on.. oi

One of the reasons for the weakness of the Anarchist movement is to be found, therefore, in the still uncompleted process of the division of Anarchism into clearly defined fractions, groups or “parties.” If this seems paradoxical, it is nevertheless a reality.

only if go way deep.. ie: discrimination as equity deep

infinitesimal structures approaching the limit of structureless\ness and/or vice versa .. aka: ginorm/small ness deep

The second reason for the weakness of the Anarchist movement is its inability to adapt itself to the realities of life, which limits its activities exclusively to propaganda. Such an activity can occupy only a few people, for the majority, particularly the rank-and-file members, soon lose interest in pure propaganda. It degenerates into dialectics, into the constant repetition of formulae, or else into apathy, disillusionment and, finally, defection.

Man requires contact with reality; he cannot exist long in mid air. This natural need for activity drives dynamic men to all kinds of deformed “practical” activities; to bomb-throwing in France or unmotivated terror and expropriation in Russia. And how does the rank-and-file Anarchist keep active? He rejects the Parliamentary struggle; he rejects participation in municipal affairs. For many comrades the Trade Unions are not sufficiently revolutionary since they concern themselves with petty fights, and are therefore a danger to Anarchist “purity,” while in the Co-operatives these comrades see a bourgeois institution with exploitative tendencies. And all the time the Anarchist groups remain small. The Anarchist must perforce act within a “Torricellian vacuum”; he must be satisfied with voluble debates, with the distribution of pamphlets, newspapers and leaflets; he must keep silent on daily issues — and keep his eyes, while rejecting the world about him, on the final goal towards which the path is still only an abstract concept. Indeed, wherever the larger masses think in concrete terms, Anarchists seem bent on instilling abstractions into them.

sounds like khan filling the gaps law et al

What is missing in our movement is a basis of realism, the ability to adjust theory to the practical needs of the workers. That lack, however, is being met by the Syndicalist fractions of Anarchism. Anarcho-syndicalism has expanded the sphere of activity of its members; it has established institutions concerned with the material struggle and with everyday activities. That is the explanation for its success in comparison with Anarcho-communism, in all the countries where it has taken root. And if Anarcho-syndicalism will continue to extend the horizons of public activity for its members, to create more of its own institutions, then its success will grow in the same measure.

oi oi oi

34

7. The Theory

35

And, wherever there is inequality, there can be no talk of freedom, of independence, of social and political equality. Indeed, none of these can possibly result from the slogan “to each according to his labour.” And even though the authors of the “Platform” call Anarcho-communist the society they would erect on the principles they propose, it would in reality be neither Anarchist nor Communist.

and what i’m seeing/hearing here.. anarchist/communist.. also same song

any form of m\a\p = same song

But to continue. The chapter “Rejection of Democracy” opens with the following categorical imperative: “Democracy is one of the forms of bourgeois capitalist society”. It is obvious that the authors of the “Platform” have lumped together contemporary parliamentary democracy and democracy as such. Anarchism is, in the final analysis, nothing but democracy in its purest and most extreme form. Yet the Platformists categorically reject democracy, without understanding either its nature or its substance. They state, for instance, that “democracy leaves untouched the principle of private property.” Present day democracy? Yes. Anarchist democracy? Of course not. It is essential to determine the true character of democracy in contrast to its perversions — a process which is completely ignored by the authors of the “Platform,” as a result, once again, of their chronic ignorance.

oi.. any form of democratic admin = any form of m\a\p = same song

37

8. The Party, The Individual and the Masses

40

9. The Party and the Trade Unions

The “Platformists” have evidently not yet learned that the fate of all political parties is to become opportunistic.

any form of m\a\p is to become whatever (aka: not-us)

42

The question is not the rejection of leadership, but making certain that it is free and natural. *Even in an Anarchist society, the “masses” will always be led by “one or other political ideological group.” But this does not mean, as the authors of the”Reply” believe, that the masses might he unable to act freely and creatively under **favourable conditions.

oi.. *why do we assume there will be masses ness.. we have no idea what legit free people are like.. or how/why they might gather

**would have to be sans any form of m\a\p

43

10. The Transition Period

One of the painful questions among Anarchists is that of the “Transition Period.” The authors of the “Platform” also considered it and declared that it is a “definite phase in the life of a people characterized by the breakup of the old structure and the establishment of a new economic and political system which, however, does not yet involve the full liberation of the working people”. In view of this attitude, the “Platform” passes over this Transition Period as a non-Anarchist phenomenon. It is non-Anarchist because it is “not the Anarchist society which will emerge as a result of the social Revolution, but some ‘X’, still containing elements and remnants of the old Capitalist system.” What elements are these? “The principle of State enforcement; private property in tools and means of production, the hiring of labour, etc.” Instead of all these evils, the “Platform” insists on a perfect social Revolution which would establish with one blow a social order containing no sign of the survival of elements from the old society.

Are there actually people in our ranks who regard such a vision as practical? We, for one, consider it entirely impossible.

oi.. not platform ness.. but there is a nother way 8b could leap to.. rendering all else irrelevant s.. anything less is (to me) what’s ridiculous

“Only the workshop of producers,” the “Platform” says, “belonging in its entirety to all working people and to none individually … The products form a common food fund for the workers, from which each participant in the new industry will receive all his necessities on the basis of full equality. The new system of production will destroy completely the concepts of hiring and exploitation … There will be no bosses … This is the first practical step towards the realisation of Anarchist Communism”. And they call that the “first step”! The authors of the “Platform” evidently confuse the ninth month of pregnancy with the first. They themselves had already stated that the principle “to each according to his needs” would be preceded by a concept of expediency — once again a transitional measure.

to me.. makes no diff as long as still any form of m\a\p.. oi

44

Again, this process is perforce lengthy; a number of measures will have to be taken to speed the process. The objections of the “Platform” and other Anarchists to the Transitional period are a tribute which our comrades pay to the relics of those days when Anarchists thought little, if at all, about the nature, meaning and process of social upheavals. But as soon as Anarchists descended from the cloudy heights to the sinful, practical, materialistic earth, they had, willy nilly, to be in favour of the Transitional period. And those who continue to speak and write against it do this only to clear their hardened consciences.

and (to me) if we speak of it w/o legit change (ie: still with any/all form of m\a\p) are red flag ing a hardened conscience

oi

45

11. The Constructive Program of the “Platform”

The constructive section of the “Platform” is distinguished by its primitiveness. The construction of the new Anarchist society is limited to production and consumption, as if social organisation could be reduced to these functions alone. Such a backward conception, borrowed from the infancy of revolutionary Syndicalism, is

to me.. anything is backward if not org’d around legit needs

today we can do better (ie: set/keep 8b people legit free) .. so we can’t not

for (blank)’s sake

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